Censure pour protéger l’évasion fiscale

21 02 2008

repris de Branchez-vous, une partie des documents censurés, incluant les documents montrant les fraudes fiscales et le blanchissement d’argent ont été recopiés ici sur mon blogue, jusqu’à dernière nouvelle ils étaient aussi disponible sur les sites mirroir de wikileaks comme wikileaks.cx:

Wikileaks.org mis hors service par une cour de Californie

wikileaks.gif

Wikileaks, un site collaboratif controversé mettait à la disposition du public des documents confidentiels de société ou d’États.

Wikileaks, qui encourageait, par souci de transparence, les fuites au sein des entreprises et des gouvernements a été désactivé à la suite d’une injonction émise par une cour californienne.

Des documents liés aux activités d’une banque suisse dans les Îles Caïman sont à l’origine de cette injonction.

L’ex-vice-président de la succursale du groupe bancaire Julius Baer aux Îles Caïman serait responsable de cette fuite de documents qui prêtent à la banque suisse des activités de blanchiment d’argent et d’évasion fiscale.

Dynabot, l’hébergeur de Wikileaks, a reçu l’ordre d’effacer toutes traces du site sur ses serveurs aux États-Unis. Toutefois, certaines pages du site, hébergées en Belgique et en Inde seraient encore accessibles.

De plus, la cour exige que lui soit transmises toutes les informations relatives aux souscripteurs, aux contacts, aux factures ainsi que les adresses IP utilisées pour accéder au compte du nom de domaine de Wikileaks.

Wikileaks affirme que l’ordre de la cour est inconstitutionnel et que le site a vigoureusement été censuré.

Depuis sa fondation en 2006 par des journalistes, mathématiciens et informaticiens dissidents des États-Unis, d’Europe, d’Australie, de Taïwan et d’Afrique du Sud, Wikileaks aurait publié plus de 1,2 million de documents provenant de sources anonymes.

par Marc-André Brouillard


Film de la semaine: The Clinton Chronicles

17 02 2008



Paradis fiscal 101

24 01 2008

text de Benoît Perron repris de la Tribu du Verbe (le texte a depuis été enlevé mais peut être accédé via l’archive internet):

http://linsubversible.blog.lemonde.fr/files/les_paradis_fiscaux_en_2003_4.jpg

(cliquez sur l’image pour l’agrandir)

Ça dure depuis l’Antiquité – L’évasion est illégale mais pas l’évitement

Présent au Québec depuis quelques années, Sovereign offre une formation complète sur les paradis fiscaux par l’entremise d’annonces placées régulièrement dans La Presse et Les Affaires. En association avec le Groupe Forsythe International Inc., les journées de formation se déroulent soit à l’Hôtel Crown Plaza à Montréal ou à l’Hôtel des Gouverneurs de l’Île Charron à Longueuil. Coût de la formation : 150 $ plus taxes. Désireux d’en savoir davantage, j’ai composé le numéro de téléphone apparaissant au bas de l’annonce et c’est le directeur général Jacques Lépine en personne qui m’a répondu.
Je lui ai demandé s’il m’était possible d’assister à la formation qu’il offrait prochainement à l’Hôtel des Gouverneurs à titre de journaliste. Embarrassé, il m’a répondu que la présence dans la salle d’un journaliste pourrait indisposer certains de ses clients. Devant le mutisme de rigueur dans ce milieu cloîtré, j’ai dû revoir ma tactique. Quelques semaines plus tard, j’ai repris contact avec Lépine non pas en tant que journaliste mais en tant qu’investisseur potentiel. Sa réponse fut nettement plus favorable.

Jacques Lépine est consultant et directeur général de la firme Sovereign Company Services (Canada) Ltd de Saint-Léonard depuis trois ans. Il est détenteur d’un MBA (Maudit Baveux en Affaires, dixit Michel Chartrand). Avant de joindre les rangs de Sovereign, il dirigeait la International Company Services (USA) Ltd, une entreprise spécialisée dans les conseils professionnels sur l’évitement fiscal dans des paradis fiscaux.

Sovereign possède des bureaux un peu partout dans le monde : Îles Vierges Britanniques, Canada, République Tchèque, Gibraltar, Hong Kong, Irlande, Île de Man, Japon, Portugal, Russie, Espagne, Afrique du Sud, Îles Turks et Caïcos, Royaume-Uni, États-Unis et Grèce.

Tout ce que vous n’avez jamais osé demander sur les paradis fiscaux

Je me suis donc rendu tel que convenu à l’Hôtel des Gouverneurs de Longueuil par un magnifique jeudi ensoleillé suivre une formation authentique sur les paradis fiscaux. Après avoir acquitté les frais de 150 $ et m’être fait remettre des notes de cours d’une centaine de pages (en anglais et en français) intitulées Tout savoir sur les paradis fiscaux, j’ai pris place parmi un groupe d’environ 40 personnes.

Après s’être présenté, Jacques Lépine fait un tour de salle, question de mieux connaître les gens présents dans la salle. 75 % des gens présents sont des comptables venus écouter l’Oracle leur refiler les meilleurs tuyaux pour sortir l’argent du pays en toute légalité, tuyaux qu’ils factureront ensuite grassement à leurs meilleurs clients. Le reste est composé d’avocats, de fiscalistes et de quelques hommes d’affaires qui éviteront soigneusement de se nommer. Selon Lépine, la plupart des gens qui assistent à ses formations sont des comptables.

D’entrée de jeu, Lépine fait une mise en garde. Il ne veut pas inciter personne à faire de l’évasion fiscale (illégale) mais nous informer sur les paradis fiscaux qui existent dans le monde, comment y avoir accès, y faire des affaires en minimisant les impacts fiscaux de nos transactions grâce à l’évitement fiscal (légal). Lépine mentionne, pour mieux nous rassurer, que toutes les banques canadiennes sont installées dans des paradis fiscaux par l’entremise de filiales « off shore ».

Suivez l’exemple de Paul Martin

Les conseils qu’offre Lépine visent à exploiter les failles dans la loi anti-évitement canadienne et permettent à des margoulins de sortir leur argent du pays en toute impunité de façon légale. Pour Lépine, il est plus facile de sortir du fric du Canada que de le sortir de la France, parce que nos lois sont plus floues. Au Canada, pour éviter d’attirer l’attention du fisc, il faut faire des placements corporatifs avec motif commercial dans une corporation « off shore » (International Business Corporation ou IBC). C’est l’arme absolue de l’évasion fiscale et elle offre une confidentialité en béton pour les capitaux flottants d’origine douteuse ou mafieuse. Cependant, il importe de ne pas faire affaire dans le paradis fiscal avec une banque canadienne « off shore » pour éviter des pressions politiques pour retracer l’origine de l’argent douteux.

Toutes les raisons sont bonnes pour créer une IBC : investissement, location, gestion de portefeuille, import-export, assurances, brevets, holdings, expédition, etc. Dans ce dernier cas, Lépine cite comme exemple le ministre canadien des Finances Paul Martin qui utilise une IBC dans un paradis fiscal (Bahamas) pour éviter l’impôt sur sa flotte de navires, la Canada Steamship Lines. Pour Lépine, si Paul Martin le fait, c’est que cela doit être légal. À savoir si c’est moral, c’est une autre affaire.

Le fisc a l’œil sur les lettres en provenance des Bahamas

Un comptable dans la salle se lève et pose la question suivante à Lépine : lui est-il possible de devenir citoyen des Îles Turks et Caïcos tout en restant citoyen canadien pour ainsi pouvoir revenir à sa guise au Canada pour profiter de ses soins de santé exceptionnels et de sa qualité de vie, car il ne désire pas prendre toute sa retraite dans ce paradis fiscal ? Pour 50 000 $ US, Lépine peut vous procurer une seconde citoyenneté dans n’importe lequel paradis fiscal de votre choix et cela en un peu plus de 24 heures, et tout est légal.

Un homme d’affaires présent dans la salle demande à Lépine comment il pourrait s’y prendre pour « brouiller les pistes » au fisc canadien pour son IBC incorporée au Liechtenstein. L’homme a déjà séjourné trois mois dans ce paradis fiscal mais il ne s’y plaît pas et préfère vivre au Québec tout en ne payant que moins de 5 % d’impôts. Lépine lui a suggéré de venir le rencontrer à son bureau pour une consultation à 300 $ l’heure. Un détail pour quelqu’un qui ne paie presque pas d’impôts au pays. Pour des montages financiers plus complexes, Lépine fait affaire avec Me Marcel Racicot, avocat chez Desjardins, Duchesnes, Stein et Monast. Pour la constitution de fiducies « off shore », c’est l’avocate Ginette Méroz (présente lors de la formation) qui prend la relève.

Les services offerts par Lépine sont très nombreux, mais les plus prisés sont : création d’une fiducie active ou passive (2000 à 3000 $ US), création d’une corporation «off shore » (2000 $ US), ouverture d’un compte « off shore » (500 $ US), devenir un directeur nominal (nominees agent) ou agent de correspondance (750 $ US).

Le paradis terrestre, c’est un paradis fiscal

Lépine conclut la formation en jurant, la main sur le cœur, qu’il est là pour offrir des services internationaux et non pour juger de ce qui est bien ou mal pour ce qui est de placements ou d’investissements étrangers. Ponce Pilate a dit sensiblement la même chose il y a 2000 ans, en pleine décadence.

J’ai quitté l’Hôtel des Gouverneurs en état de transe, la tête remplie de projets. Désormais, je pourrais moi aussi utiliser le système en toute impunité, légalement et jouir d’une retraite dorée à 40 ans. Liberté 55, c’est pour les paumés. Il suffit d’avoir le fric et les contacts et faire comme tous les autres margoulins dont le seul objectif est de prendre l’oseille et de se tirer ! Pendant 2000 ans, et question de nous garder sous sa tutelle, l’Église nous a promis le paradis à la fin de nos jours. Une fadaise. L’Oracle Lépine m’a promis un paradis fiscal sur le champ, la culpabilité en moins. Pour ce qui est de la morale… enfin !

Loin des yeux, loin de l’impôt

Jacques Lépine définit le paradis fiscal comme étant un pays, qu’il soit sur un continent ou sur une île, où les impôts sont tenus au niveau zéro ou à un niveau très bas. Les paradis fiscaux existent depuis l’Antiquité mais se sont surtout développés à partir de 1945. Les grands États y voyaient l’occasion de faciliter certaines opérations, tandis que les petits États y voyaient le moyen d’attirer des capitaux. L’expression «off shore » (loin du rivage) est utilisée par analogie avec les bateaux qui, hors des eaux territoriales américaines, permettaient de boire et de jouer en paix au temps de la prohibition (1920-1930). D’ailleurs, c’est durant cette période que naissent des paradis fiscaux pour des motifs économiques, destinés à soustraire les fortunes privées à l’impôt: Île de Man, Bahamas, Liechtenstein, Suisse, Luxembourg, etc. Un bon paradis fiscal doit garantir trois choses : un excellent secret bancaire, une fiscalité très basse (moins de 5 %) ou inexistante et une excellente protection juridique (le paradis fiscal ne doit pas reconnaître les crimes commis en dehors de sa principauté).

Une deuxième citoyenneté dans les vingt-quatre heures

Selon le gourou Lépine, les paradis fiscaux ne veulent pas l’argent sale issu du trafic de drogue et des armes, mais acceptent volontiers l’argent provenant de l’évasion fiscale en toute confidentialité. Cependant, pour profiter pleinement d’un paradis fiscal, certaines précautions doivent être prises. Celui qui incorpore une compagnie enregistrée dans un paradis fiscal (qui n’est en réalité qu’une vulgaire boîte aux lettres) doit s’assurer que la correspondance postale n’est pas envoyée à son adresse postale au Canada. Lépine mentionne que dans les années 80, le gouvernement canadien avait demandé à ses fonctionnaires postaux d’ouvrir toutes les correspondances en provenance des Bahamas, de refiler les noms à Revenu Canada, de refermer les enveloppes et de les expédier à leur destinataire canadien. Puis Revenu Canada a attendu la période des impôts pour voir quels contribuables effectueraient de fausses déclarations d’impôt.



Film de la semaine: Sibel Edmonds: Kill the Messanger

18 01 2008

Désolé mais la version française semble avoir été censurée par google: Sibel Edmonds – Une femme à abattre

Mais il y a toute même cette bande annonce sous-titrée:



Image du jour

4 01 2008

Sources de financement des candidat(e)s à la présidentielle étasunienne 2008:

Démocrates

Républicains

source: http://www.capitaleye.org/inside.asp?ID=320



With Rudy Giuliani, corruption runs deap …

16 12 2007

Town Hall Meeting June 27 2001.
Larry Hanley,President of ATU Local 726,tries to ask then Mayor Rudy Giuliani about an inside deal to grant bus routes to connected private bus companies that contibuted to his campaigns.

Pat Lynch, President of NYC Patrolmen’s Benevolent Association, NY-1, May 3, 2007: « Rudy Giuliani doesn’t deserve to be president »

How Giuliani Made $30 Million Without Even Trying
By Steve Benen, The Carpetbagger Report 14/12/07
Dec 15, 2007 – 11:22:12 AM Email this article
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Giuliani and Asher met in 2002 when Asher demonstrated his Matrix database software [ndlr: Multistate Anti-Terrorism Information Exchange (MATRIX) datamining system is a spying system proclaimed to help state law enforcement officials identify potential terrorists. The Matrix program was shut down in June 2005 after federal funding was cut in the wake of public concerns over privacy and state surveillance] for the former mayor, who was reportedly impressed enough to strike a business deal: Giuliani Partners would represent Asher’s company, Seisint, as part of a very lucrative arrangement. GP got $2 million per year, a commission on Seisint’s government sales, plus stock options that were worth a bundle after LexisNexis [ndlr: part of Reed Elsevier] bought Seisint in 2004.

Giuliani’s association with Asher became somewhat controversial lately, after Asher’s name popped up in a California public corruption indictment. But the business partnership looks even more interesting today, in light of this report in Time.

GP pulled in more than $30 million for just one year’s work on Seisint’s behalf, company records show…. But the Seisint deal wasn’t as perfect as it seemed. One problem: the payment of percentages or commissions to « solicit or secure » government contracts is prohibited by federal law and laws of some states. Tom Susman, ethics chairman of the American League of Lobbyists, says the bar on commissions is intended to eliminate incentives for middlemen to bend the rules to land a contract. A GP official who refused to be named insists that the firm never received « commissions » from Seisint — despite what Brauser and Latham remember and despite the fact that payments to GP are labeled « commissions » in both the minutes of a Seisint board meeting and a key financial statement.

Instead, says the official, GP earned « special bonuses » based on the achievement of corporate « milestones. »

Please. Giuliani’s firm lobbied to help Seisint secure lucrative government contracts. Seisint, in turn, paid the firm « commissions. » But now Giuliani’s team want to redefine the word, in order to make it legal — they weren’t « commissions, » they were « special bonuses. » Even by Giuliani standards, this kind of lying is just insulting.

Wait, it gets worse.

Seisint was using Giuliani’s name to open doors and secure contracts, but Giuliani insists he was never a lobbyist, and never registered as a lobbyist.

But this doesn’t add up. Giuliani’s firm pulled in $30 million thanks to Seisint. How, exactly, does Giuliani justify all of this money? If it wasn’t money earned by commission, and it wasn’t generated by lobbyist fees, what was Seisint paying $30 million for?

Rudy never registered as a lobbyist because even though he and his clients were using his name to advance their interests with the federal and state governments, he claimed he never actually lobbied. And now the commissions he got for securing government contracts through his savvy « not lobbying » aren’t really commissions but « special bonuses. »

Nice work if you can get it. Unless it all turns out to be illegal.

Which, in this case, given all the lobbying Giuliani did, it might very well be.

This is exactly why Giuliani has tried to keep his business work secret and free of public scrutiny. His client list, that we know of, includes the makers  [i.e. Purdue Pharma] of OxyContin (Giuliani personally met with the DEA chief when the agency launched a criminal investigation of the company), an official in Qatar with known ties to Osama bin Laden and other terrorists, and a cocaine smuggler with a database company that apparently paid Giuliani $30 million for work he claims not to have done.

How Giuliani even has the chutzpah to run for public office (worse yet, the presidency) with this record is amazing. And how any thinking person could even consider voting for him is a mystery.

Source:Ocnus.net 2007



Behind the War on the Congo

12 11 2007

repris de ocnus.net et Zmagazine:

(Photo: Uraguayan special forces MONUC hunting FDLR in Kahuzi Beiga National Park under Operation Falcon Sweep.)

Behind the Numbers

Untold Suffering in the Congo

By Keith Harmon Snow & David Barouski, CCA 26/10/06
Oct 30, 2006, 11:28

The British medical journal Lancet recently took greater notice of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) than all western media outlets combined. A group of physicians reported that about 4 million people have died since the “official” outbreak of the Congolese war in 1998 (1). The BBC reported the war in Congo has claimed more lives than any armed conflict since World War II (2). However, experts working in the Congo, and Congolese survivors, count over 10 million dead since war began in 1996—not 1998—with the U.S.-backed invasion to overthrow Zaire’s President Joseph Mobutu. While the western press quantifies African deaths all the time, no statistic can quantify the suffering of the Congolese.

Some people are aware that war in the Congo is driven by the desire to extract raw materials, including diamonds, gold, columbium tantalite (coltan), niobium, cobalt, copper, uranium and petroleum. Mining in the Congo by western companies proceeds at an unprecedented rate, and
it is reported that some $6 million in raw cobalt alone—an element of superalloys essential for nuclear, chemical, aerospace and defense industries—exits DRC daily. Any analysis of the geopolitics in the Congo requires an understanding of the organized crime perpetrated through multi-national businesses, in order to understand the reasons why the Congolese people have suffered a virtually unending war since 1996.

Some people have lauded great progress in the exposure of illegal mining in DRC, particularly by the group Human Rights Watch (HRW), whose 2005 report “The Curse of Gold” exposed Ugandan officials and multi-national corporations smuggling gold through local rebel militias. The cited rebel groups were the Nationalist and Integrationist Front (FNI) and the People’s Armed Forces of Congo (FAPC). The western companies targeted by HRW were Anglo-Ashanti Gold, a company headquartered in South Africa, and Metalor, a Swedish firm. The HRW report failed to mention that Anglo-Ashanti is partnered with Anglo-American, owned by the Oppenheimer family and partnered with Canada-based Barrick Gold described below (3). London-based Anglo-American Plc. owns a 45% share in DeBeers, another Oppenheimer company that is infamous for its near monopoly of the international diamond industry (4). Sir Mark Moody-Stuart, a director of Anglo-American, is a director of Royal Dutch/Shell and a member of U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan’s Advisory Board (5). The report also suppressed the most damning evidence discovered by HRW researchers—that Anglo-Ashanti sent its top lawyers into eastern DRC to aid rebel militia leaders arrested there.

Several multi-national mining companies have rarely if ever been mentioned in any human rights report. One is Barrick Gold, who operates in the town of Watsa, northwest of the town of Bunia, located in the most violent corner of the Congo. The Ugandan People’s Defense Force (UPDF) controlled the mines intermittently during the war. Officials in Bunia claim that Barrick executives flew into the region, with UPDF and RPF (Rwanda Patriotic Front) escorts, to survey and inspect their mining interests (6).

George H.W. Bush served as a paid advisor for Barrick Gold. Barrick directors include: Brian Mulroney, former PM of Canada; Edward Neys, former U.S. ambassador to Canada and chairman of the private PR firm Burston-Marsteller; former U.S. Senator Howard Baker; J. Trevor Eyton, a member of the Canadian Senate; and Vernon Jordan, one of Bill Clinton’s lawyers (7).

(Photo: Rape has been used as a systematic means of instilling terror in the
people all over DRC. This girl (20) fled Eastern DRC and crossed the
country on foot to find some refuge in Western DRC.)

Barrick Gold is one of the client companies of Andrew Young’s Goodworks International lobbying firm. Andrew Young is the former Mayor of Atlanta, and a key organizer of the U.S.-Uganda Friendship Council. Young was chosen by President Clinton to chair the Southern Africa Enterprise Development Fund in October 1994. Goodworks’ clients—or business partners in some cases—include Coke, Chevron-Texaco, Monsanto, and the governments of Angola and Nigeria (note weapons transfers from Nigeria cited below). Young is a director of Cox Communications and Archers Daniels Midland—the “supermarket to the world” and National Public Radio sponsor whose directors include Brian Mulroney (Barrick) and G. Allen Andreas, a member of the European Advisory Board of The Carlyle Group.

Barrick Gold’s mining partners have included Adastra Mining—formerly named America Mineral Fields (AMFI, AMX, other names), formerly based in Hope, Arkansas, Bill Clinton’s hometown. Adastra had close ties with Lazare Kaplan International Inc., the largest diamond brokerage firm in the U.S., whose president, Maurice Tempelsman, has been an advisor on African Affairs to the U.S. Government and has been the U.S. Honorary Consul General of the Congo since 1977 (8).

Maurice Tempelsman accompanied Bill Clinton during his African tour in 1998, and he sails with the Clintons off Martha’s Vineyard. He serves on the International Advisory Council of the American Stock Exchange, and is a director of the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institute, a
”scientific” front for his offshore diamond mining—raking the seabed into oblivion.

Adastra also purchased a diamond concession on the Congolese-Angolan border from the Belgian mercenary firm International Defense and Security (1998), and currently has cobalt and copper concessions in Congo’s Katanga (Shaba) province (9). Adastra is a member of the Corporate Council on Africa, along with Goodworks, Halliburton, Chevron-Texaco, Northrop Grumman, GE, Boeing, Raytheon, Bechtel and SAIC—the latter two being secretive intelligence and defense entities involved in classified and supra-governmental “black” projects.

In April 1997, Jean-Ramon Boulle, a co-founder of Adastra (then AMFI), received a $1 billion dollar deal for mines in the Congo at Kolwezi (cobalt) and Kipushi (zinc) from Laurent Kabila’s Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Zaire (ADFL) before they were even officially in power. The ADFL were even allowed to use Boulle’s private jet (10). Meanwhile, directors of Adastra are also former directors of Anglo-American (11). Other Clinton-connected founders of Adastra include Michael McMurrough and Robert Friedland—both involved in shady, criminal, offshore businesses in Indonesia, Africa, Burma and the Americas (12).

Barrick sub-contracts to Caleb International, who has also partnered with Adastra in the past. Caleb is run by Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni’s half-brother Salim Saleh, the former acting General of the UPDF. When Uganda withdrew from the Congo in 2002 following a so-called “peace” agreement, Saleh began training paramilitary groups to act as Ugandan proxies to sustain the flow of minerals into Uganda (13).

Salim Saleh is a shareholder in Catalyst Co. of Canada, who has a 100% interest in Uganda’s Kaabong gold fields (14). He is a part owner of Saracen, a private military company created by the mercenaries-for-hire firm Executive Outcomes (15). The U.N. Panel of Experts on Illegal Exploitation of Congo’s Mineral Resources recommended Salim Saleh be put on a travel ban and have his assets frozen, but nothing was done.

Recent interventions by the armed U.N. peacekeeping mission in the Congo (MONUC) have concentrated on disarming or eliminating the Forces for the Democratic Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a rebel group that opposes Rwanda, and the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), a rebel group that opposes Uganda. (Note that the Rwanda military has partnered with its erstwhile “enemies”—the FDLR—when necessary to secure resource plunder while Uganda has its own pattern of complicity with its “rebel” enemies. Rebel alliances are to perpetually shifting.) The removal of these rebel groups will effectively clear the eastern Congo for large–scale multi-national mining. The Mai-Mai militia, whose stated goal is “to protect Congo from Rwandan and Ugandan invaders,” has committed documented human rights abuses, yet they appear to be off the agenda for MONUC. The Mai-Mai operate in northern Katanga (Shaba) province and in the Kivus.

Katanga’s militias and racketeering are connected to criminal networks of businessmen, including Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe, Billy Rautenbach, John Bredenkamp, and Marc Rich. U.S. diamond magnate Maurice Tempelsman has profited from Katanga concessions since the Kennedy era. Lawrence Devlin, the old CIA station chief of Lubumbashi under Eisenhower, maintained Tempelsman’s criminal rackets with direct ties to Zaire’s former President Mobutu, and was subsequently employed by Tempelsman (16).

The Forrest Group has the longest history of exploitation in the Congo, gaining its first mining concessions before the Congo declared independence from the Belgians. The group, which includes the Ohio-based OM Group, has numerous concessions in Katanga (Shaba). Chairman George Forrest is the former chairman of the Congo’s state-owned mining firm GECAMINES, and owner of the New Lachaussee weapons manufacturing company.

Coltan ore is widely used in the aerospace and electronics industries for capacitors, superconductors and transistors after it is refined to tantalum. The U.S. is entirely dependant on foreign sources for tantalum, an enabling technology for capacitors essential to aerospace weaponry and every pager, cell phone, computer, VCR, CD player, P.D.A. and TV. U.S. import records show a dramatic jump of purchases from Rwanda and Uganda during the time they were smuggling tantalum and cobalt out of the Congo.

Sony dramatically increased their importation of coltan following the release of their Playstation 2, while Compaq, Microsoft, Dell, Ericsson, Hewlett-Packard, IBM, Nokia, Intel, Lucent, and Motorola are also large-scale consumers (17). Sony’s current Executive Vice-President and General Counsel Nicole Seligman was a former legal adviser for Bill Clinton through the D.C. firm Williams and Connelly, LLP, whose clients included Bill Clinton and Oliver North (18). Sony Executive Vice-President and Chief Financial Officer Robert Wiesenthal is a former banker with First Boston, a supporter of Refugees International’s “humanitarian” relief efforts at Rwandan refugee camps in Eastern Congo, just before the fall of Mobutu in 1995; Wiesenthal was also financial adviser to Cox Communications, OM Group, Time Warner and The New York Times (19).

(Photo: FDLR « genocidaires » — children with guns — in eastern DRC.)

Walter Kansteiner, the son of a coltan trader in Chicago, is the Assistant Secretary of State for Africa and former member of the Dept. of Defense Task Force on Strategic Minerals. Kansteiner’s speech at The Forum for International Policy in October of 1996 advocated partitioning the Congo (then Zaire) into smaller states based on ethnic lineage (20). Ironically, while the speech was given, Laurent Kabila and his ADFL were beginning their march to overthrow Mobutu with the aid of Rwanda, Uganda, and the U.S. (21). Kansteiner is a trustee of the Africa Wildlife Foundation—another euphemistic front for resource acquisition in Congo.

Bechtel, a U.S. aerospace & construction company, provided satellite maps of reconnaissance photos of Mobutu’s troops for the ADFL invasion of Congo in 1996; they also created infrared maps of the Congo’s mineral deposits (22). The Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF), led by Paul Kagame, the current Rwandan President graduate of the U.S. Army officers school at Fort Leavenworth, used Bechtel’s NASA maps to locate Rwandan Hutu civilians that fled the cataclysm in Rwanda in 1994. An estimated 800,000 refugees were hunted down and killed in the Congo’s forests (23). Bechtel’s friends in high places include former Secretary of State George Shultz (Board of Directors), former Secretary of Defense Casper Weinberger (Bechtel Counsel) and retired U.S.M.C. general Jack Sheehan (Senior Vice President), who is also a member of the Defense Policy Board at the Pentagon (24). Riley P. Bechtel is on the Board of J.P. Morgan (25). Bechtel’s Nexant Company is the prime contractor on the Uganda-Kenya pipeline project, believed to ultimately facilitate petroleum transport out of the Semliki Basin of Lake Albert.

The U.N. Panel of Experts named New England-based Cabot Co. for conducting unethical business practices (26). Cabot is one of the largest tantalum processors in the world. The current Deputy Director of the U.S. Treasury, Samuel Bodman, was CEO and chairman of the board for Cabot from 1997-2001 (27). Current Director John H. McArthur is a Senior Advisor to Paul Wolfowitz at the World Bank (28).

Private Military Contractors (PMCs) are also big business in Africa. Brown & Root, a subsidiary of Halliburton, helped build a military base near Cyangugu, Rwanda just next to the Congo-Rwandan border. ”Officially,” Brown and Root was there to clear land mines, but instead housed mercenaries from Military Professional Resources Inc. (MPRI) who trained the RPF and Laurent Kabila’s ADFL for invasion of the Congo in 1996, and the Rwandan army’s re-invasion in 1998, after
Laurent Kabila threw out the Rwandans, Ugandans, Bechtel and the IMF (29). The French intelligence service reported that U.S. Special Forces and mercenaries from MPRI participated in the murder of Rwandan Hutu refugees on the Oso River near Goma in 1996 and even claims to have turned over the bodies of two American soldiers killed in combat near Goma (30). The circumstances surrounding the unofficial recovery of these two U.S. soldiers remain very mysterious (31).

MPRI is based in Arlington, Virginia and is staffed and run by 36 retired U.S. generals. It is contracted by the Pentagon to fulfill the African Crisis Responsive Initiative (ACRI). This program includes the Ugandan military, and it supplied military training in guerrilla warfare to Ugandan officers at Fort Bragg, North Carolina in July 1996. During the invasion of the Congo in 1998, Ugandan soldiers were found with ACRI equipment while Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have implicated Ugandan battalions trained by ACRI in rapes, murders, extortion, and beatings of Ugandan civilians (32).

Executive Outcomes founder Tony Buckingham has established other Private Military Companies that operate around Africa. Buckingham’s Heritage Oil & Gas works closely with his PMC Sandline International to manipulate the petroleum options around Lake Albert, and is believed to have signed concession deals with warring armies and governments on both sides of the Uganda-Congo border. Branch Energy is another Buckingham affiliated company operating in the Great Lakes region.

Investigations of illegal weapons sales to Rwanda last year, in violation of the U.N. arms embargo on the region, have been hampered by the Rwandan government’s refusal to provide a list of serial numbers of the 5000 AK-47s delivered there. The shipping country, Bulgaria, also refused to provide serial numbers, and would only confirm that the weapons were sold legally to a non-embargo country, Nigeria, en route to Rwanda and DRC. The governments of Uganda, Congo, South Africa and Equatorial Guinea—a major U.S. petroleum protectorate—are equally culpable in supporting the clandestine arms sales to the region (33).

Weapons shipments arriving by boat from Tanzania, and the Government of Tanzania’s role in supporting war in DRC, are never questioned. This may have something to do with Barrick Gold’s mining licenses in Tanzania’s Masaai territories. Aircraft flying between Tanzania, DRC, and from Kenya, are allowed to do so without proper documentation, record-keeping or customs oversight.

Another shady “untouchable” arms dealer operating behind the scenes in the region is an Indian-American named Mr. Kotecha. Kotecha’s interests in South Kivu are substantial, and he is openly fingered as dealing in money laundering, arms, coltan and diamonds. After the first U.S.-sponsored invasion of the Congo in 1996, Kotecha is known to have repeatedly boasted of being the “United States Consulate” in South Kivu. Kotecha holds a U.S. passport and owns a mansion in California.

When an outspoken local defender of human rights working for a small NGO (Pascal Kabungulu of Heritiers de la Justice) was assassinated during the summer of 2005 in Bukavu, the alleged killers, including a local Congolese military commander, were identified but MONUC and the international “community” took no action. The killing revolved around his role in exposing the Congolese commanders’ involvement in contraband smuggling (which continues today).

A U.N. Panel of Experts in a forthcoming report will challenge many airlines and companies for undertaking illicit flights (illegal, secret, unregistered or falsely registered) into and out of DRC. One of many notable companies apparently connected to Victor Bout’s arms trafficking networks is Simax, an Oregon-based company using an address in Sierra Leone. However, the U.N. Panel of Experts has once again ignored certain western agencies—with histories of illicit activities—whose flights remain equally surreptitious and unaccountable. At the top of the list is the International Rescue Committee (IRC)—directors include Henry Kissinger —whose flights in and out of Congo, and internal flights to and from isolated airports in eastern DRC, are completely unmonitored by MONUC arms embargo inspectors. In Bukavu, for example, all light aircraft are subject to MONUC arms embargo inspections, but IRC flights are not within the MONUC mandate. As one MONUC Military Observer admitted, “The IRC should be subject to the same standards as everyone else; otherwise we have to assume they are shipping weapons, because they do not let us confirm they are not.”

Similarly, while the U.N. Panel of Experts have investigated and reported on certain illegal criminal networks and activities in Congo, they never attend to the top-level deals brokered behind closed doors by executives from Adastra, Anglo-American, the companies of Sweden’s Adolph Lundin (a close friend of George H.W. Bush), who have control of mining concessions in Lubumbashi, Kolwezi and Mbuji Mayi areas in the Katanga (Shaba) and Kasai provinces. U.S.-based Phelps Dodge is partnered in Katanga copper/cobalt mining projects with Lundin’s Tenke Mining. Phelps Dodge director Douglas C. Yearly is also a director of Lockheed Martin, and the World Wildlife Fund—partnered with USAID and CARE in “conservation”—read: acquisition—projects all over Congo while CARE’s “humanitarian” agenda is also funded by Lockheed Martin.

“Conservation” interests provide the vanguard of western penetration in Central Africa: USAID, WWF, AWF, and Conservation International lead the charge. Evidence from USAID cases all over Congo quickly contradicts all fanfare about USAID bringing “sustainable” or “community development” projects. Most notable are the Central Africa Region Partnership for the Environment (CARPE) and Congo Basin Forest Partnership (CBFP), two programs pressing hidden military, intelligence and economic agendas. Notably, National Geographic is involved in furthering the mythologies of conservation, democracy, community development, or the lip service paid to respecting and supporting indigenous people.

Some people have suggested the reason that there isn’t greater awareness and equitable intervention in the Congo is because “we simply don’t know what to do” to remedy the situation. However, it is fairly clear what needs to be done, the West is just unwilling to do it because of powerful economic and geopolitical reasons.

1. U.S. Military Training programs must have an oversight committee and total transparency. Western governments must end their hypocritical stance and ensure they don’t train any “rebel” or ”dissident” groups, especially if they are against a democratically elected government (provided the elections weren’t fraudulent), even if the elected government isn’t politically aligned with the western ideology and/or economic ideals. To do otherwise would refute claims that the west is intervening to “spread democracy.”

2. In parallel with number 1, a committee must be set up to ensure the same doesn’t occur for the private military companies. As multinational corporations, these firms aren’t subject to obey laws of warfare as an established country’s armed forces are supposed to. The U.N. must pass resolutions mandating the World Court and International Criminal Court (ICC) to prosecute such corporations. Lastly, when such companies are exposed for conducting illegal activities, such as aiding coups or trafficking human slaves, the corporations who conduct these activities must be blacklisted from receiving government contracts, domestic or international, and the guilty individuals must be prosecuted (34).

3. In the arms arena, more substantial efforts must be created to intercept and prosecute “embargo busters,” illegal brokers, and arms sellers. Furthermore, those selling, transporting, brokering, funding, or wiring arms transactions for weapons specifically intended for children should receive the harshest of the penalties (certain ”small weapons” are modified to reduce their weight to make it easier for a child to carry). Firms that participate in arms shipments, transport and/or the movement of the flow of the money generated from these sales with countries, people or organizations that are embargoed or act against national or international law should be held accountable for their crimes. Assets can be frozen, travel bans imposed, and all government and economic business ties with such firms severed. These penalties must also have an assurance of enforcement.

4. Debt relief is essential, but ways must be found to protect IMF and World Bank loans from being used for military expenditures. The motivations of World Bank President Paul Wolfowitz are suspect. Dr. Wolfowitz is a former Deputy Secretary of Defense under George W. Bush, a former ambassador to Indonesia under Ronald Reagan, a PNAC member, and dual citizen in Israel. Likewise, the World Bank and IMF must shift their policy of privatization as a stipulation for loan approval in order to stimulate business growth within the state instead of having the business sector growth be almost entirely from multinational corporations. The World Bank and IMF must also provide debt relief to the counties that need it most according to economic indicators. Some countries receiving debt relief, like Uganda and Rwanda, are among the biggest spenders of their loans in the military sector (35). It must be ensured that a majority of spending occurs on infrastructure and public services, and that this does not benefit the standard set of “embedded” western corporations. It must also be ensured the loan money is used in areas that need development the most. For example, in Uganda, the loan money Museveni has used for development has focused in the south in Kampala, the capital, and in Mbarra, his hometown. Meanwhile, the Acholi people, who always vote against Museveni’s party in the polls, are ignored and the situation in the Lira, Gulu, and Kitgum districts continues to deteriorate. In addition, individual countries must examine the aid they give to countries that spend a high percentage of capital on military, as well as commit human rights abuses. Lastly, debt relief doesn’t harm banks that gave the loans in the first place and collect on some of the interest rates, not to mention the American businesses that make profit on the privatized businesses as part of the loan deal. The debt is transferred to the taxpayers, so transparency is needed to insure that costs are also incurred by the firms granting the loans (if they want credit for their “humanitarian” debt relief).

5. Western countries must end the impunity for those responsible for looting minerals from Congo. Firms that purchase smuggled minerals, and/or purchase concessions from illegitimate rebel groups must be prosecuted. The World Court recently made a start by convicting Uganda and fining the government, but Rwanda, Burundi, Zambia, and Zimbabwe remain unaccountable for their direct pirating, as are the Western firms that purchased the minerals, and Western individuals supporting them. (The Kimberly Process, established with the support of academic and intelligence experts at Harvard University, is a perfect example of the gatekeepers policing their own gates: the huge, entrenched, but secretive interests like the Oppenheimer/DeBeers and Maurice Tempelsman owned companies are legitimized as dealers of “clean” diamonds; while the other, far less connected competitors and challengers of the status quo, including Congolese children sneaking into mines and being shot for “stealing” the diamonds off their own starving families’ former lands, are demonized as dealers of “blood” diamonds.)

6. The World Court and International Criminal Court must hold all military and civilian leaders—African, U.S., European—that are guilty of war crimes and crimes against humanity accountable for their actions. The West must not be allowed to shield criminals from prosecution by virtue of their economic and political alliances with Western governments. Governments that harbor these criminals should be subject to prosecution. Economic sanctions may not be proper, as poor nations generally suffer severe civilian casualties as a result; specific involved individuals in government and the military must be held accountable.

7. “Peacekeeping” forces, in particular MONUC, must be examined to ensure that the mission is being conducted with the interests of promoting stability in the country. As illustrated, elements of MONUC have used the mission as a cover to further the agenda of the West and its corporate sponsors under the banner of “peacekeeping,” causing the death of civilians in the process: those responsible should be tried and prosecuted. It must also be ensured that the investigations don’t stop at individual soldiers or brigades committing crimes, but to examine the chain of command and their allegiances to uncover the motivations behind MONUC operations. There have been reports of MONUC troops looting ivory, gold, and animal skins in National Parks. Villagers say that they have seen murders occur right in front of MONUC soldiers and they didn’t act to prevent the killings (36). MONUC soldiers have raped Congolese women (37). When pro-Rwandan rebel leaders Laurent Nkunda and Jules Mutibusi, both war criminals wanted by the U.N., took over Bukavu by force in May 2004, MONUC provided them with weapons and vehicles. Nkunda himself has stated the head of MONUC, William Swing, personally gave him a telephone to use during the raid. (38)

8. The international media is completely silent on virtually every major issue of significance with respect to war in DRC—and the international and criminal networks behind it. Misinformation about Africa prevails due to a concerted effort by the mainstream media to blackout the truth. A boycott of key publications is imperative, and must include the most offensive: Boston Globe, Washington Post, Newsweek, Time, US News & World Report, USA Today, New York Times, the New Yorker (Conde Nast Publications), Harper’s, Atlantic Monthly (highly subsidized by Lockheed Martin and Northrup Grumman) and, especially, National Geographic.

9. The fog of war needs to be cleared away from so-called ”humanitarian” and “human rights” programs, organizations and individuals currently aligned with the Western corporate enterprise. Notables in this category include: Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, CARE, USAID, Norwegian People’s Aid, International Crises Group, International Rescue Committee, Refugees International, the Genocide Intervention Fund, and many U.N. bodies, but especially UNHCR. Most of these agencies appear to exist merely to perpetuate their own survival. Doctors Without Borders also deserves scrutiny for their recent actions in DRC.

10. The peace and justice community remains unaccountable for its failure to take any significant actions to mitigate war in Congo and expose the true reasons behind it. A first step should be open up the spaces to alternative voices currently excluded by major social justice media venues. Second is to declare a total boycott on diamonds and gold, and an organized campaign to protest and economically castigate diamond stores where Lazare diamonds are sold. A third action is the commitment of meaningful funds—both from individuals and from organizations—to support the vibrant grass roots organizations and individuals working for human rights, women’s health, disarmament, education, food security, rainforest and environmental defense in Congo. Fourth, people need to break through their fear (inculcated by the western media) of taking action to help people in the Congo: there is no reason—except the unacceptable—that westerners cannot establish a “Witness for Peace” program situated in the Congo.

11. Rights groups with missions pertinent to Congo’s need must expand their missions to include Congo. Rape is endemic in the Congo: a source of psychological and physical trauma, it contributes to the spread of HIV, Ebola and other sexually transmitted diseases. Survivors often give birth to HIV positive children with no prospects for medical or financial help. This has lead to an insurmountable need for aid to care for the orphans. Mothers of children conceived of rape are often disowned by their village and families. Western feminist and women’s rights activists and organizations must get involved and provide resources for the victims of rape in Congo. Those responsible for rapes must be tried and punished as per the law if guilty. Indeed, evidence from rape cases in rural DRC shows that sexual violence is significantly reduced simply by holding military officers accountable for their troops’ actions, but this is not happening.

12. MONUC’s Radio Okapi is the lifeline of news in DRC today, but programming is largely comprised of U.N. programming. The United Nations needs to be pressured to open up the Radio Okapi network, eliminate the “fluff” pieces, and diversify and deepen its programming and reportage. As a simple example of how things could easily be improved in DRC, programs that sensitize the public o the issue of rape, and sensitize the military to the punishment for it, could easily be implemented; such programming is never considered.

13. The transitional government in Congo is comprised of military leaders and government officials who must be held accountable for their crimes. Like the individuals, organizations, corporations and governments that have supported them, all are responsible for crimes against humanity. The current profiteering in DRC is enabled by these key players, who hold the highest levels of the DRC government, and whose crimes remain hidden by the western press. The transitional government must not be allowed to appoint war criminals to cabinet or parliamentary positions, as well as local governor positions in the provinces.


References

(1) “Mortality in the Democratic Republic of the Congo: A Nationwide
Survey.” Benjamin Coghlan, Richard J. Brennan, Pascal Ngoy, David
Dofara, Brad Otto, Mark Clements, and Tony Steward. The Lancet, 7
Jan. 2006. Number 367 pp. 44-51

(2) “Thousands’ dying in DR Congo war,” BBC News, 6, Jan. 2006:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/4586832.stm .

(3) “Depopulation & Perception Management Part 2: Central Africa,”
keith harmon snow. Pioneer Valley VOICE, Feb. 2001:
http://www.allthingspass.com/uploads/html-32Depop&PercepMan.htm ;”Congo: Capitalist Mineral Lust Fuels Bloodshed,” Direct Action:http://www.directa.force9.co.uk/back%20issues/DA%2028/regulars3_1.html
.

(4) “The Lost World War,” Erik Vilwar, Corporation Watch Newsletter,
Issue 13, March-April 2003:
http://www.corporatewatch.org.uk/newsletter/issue13

(5) “Depopulation As Policy, or, How the Despair and Death of Millions
of African People is Daily Determined by the Lifestyle of Ordinary
Americans, in Small Town USA, With Nary a Word of Truth In the US
Press, If Anything At All, And Why Most of Us Know Nothing About It,
And Do Nothing To Stop It When We Do Know,” keith harmon snow, 2003: http://www.allthingspass.com/uploads/html-52Depopulation%20As%20Policy.htm
.

(6) Private interview, keith harmon snow, Bunia, 2005.

(7) “Central Africa: Hidden Agendas and the Western Press,” Pioneer
Valley Voice, keith harmon snow: http://www.audarya-fellowship.com/showflat/cat/WorldNews/48471/0/collapsed/5/o/1

(8) “Genocide and Covert Operations In Africa 1993-1999,” United
States One Hundred Seventh Congress. Subcommittee on International Operations and Human Rights. First Session. 17 May 2001. comp. Centre for Research on Globalization.
http://www.globalresearch.ca/articles/MAD111A.html .

(9) Ibid.

(10) “Stolen Goods: Coltan and Conflict in the Democratic Republic of
the Congo,” Dena Montague, SAIS Review, vol. XXII no. 1
(Winter-Spring 2002); “Congo: Capitalist Mineral Lust Fuels
Bloodshed,” Direct Action:
http://www.directa.force9.co.uk/back%20issues/DA%2028/regulars3_1.html; “Congo: The Western Heart of Darkness,” Asad Ismi, The Canadian
Centre for Policy Alternatives Monitor, October 2001.

(11) “Depopulation & Perception Management Part 2: Central Africa,”
keith harmon snow, Pioneer Valley VOICE, Feb. 2001:
http://www.allthingspass.com/uploads/html-32Depop&PercepMan.htm .

(12) “Proxy Wars in Central Africa: Profits, Propaganda, and Luxury
Goods for the White World—Pacification, Rape, and Slavery for the
Blacks,” keith harmon snow, World War 3 Report, Issue No. 100, 19 July 2004: http://ww3report.com/proxy.html .

(13) “Named and Shamed,” Ruud Leeuw: http://www.ruudleeuw.com/vbout17.htm .

(14) “Uganda, Sanctions, and Congo-K: Who is Who in Uganda Mining,”
Africa Analysis, 5 June 2001:
http://www.globalpolicy.org/security/issues/congo/2001/0606uga.htm .

(15) “Corporate Soldiers: The U.S. Government Privatizes Force,” Daniel
Burton and Wayne Madsen:
http://www.totse.com/en/politics/us_military/162741.html .

(16) David Gibbs, “The Political Economy of Third World
Interventions,” University of Arizona Press; and Wayne Madsen,
”Genocide and Covert Operations in Africa, 1993-1999,” Mellen Press,
1999.

(17) “The Lost World War,” Erik Vilwar, Corporation Watch Newsletter,
Issue 13, March-April 2003:
http://www.corporatewatch.org.uk/newsletter/issue13 .

(18) “Sony Corporation of America: Executive Biographies,” Jan. 2006.
http://www.sony.com.SCA/

(19) “Proxy Wars in Central Africa: Profits, Propaganda, and Luxury
Goods for the White World – Pacification, Rape, and Slavery for the
Blacks,” keith harmon snow, World War 3 Report, Issue No. 100, 19 Jul. 2004: http://ww3report.com/proxy.html .

(20) “Genocide and Covert Operations In Africa, 1993-1999,” United
States One Hundred Seventh Congress, Subcommittee on International
Operations and Human Rights, First Session, 17 May 2001, comp. Centre
for Research on Globalization:
http://www.globalresearch.ca/articles/MAD111A.html .

(21) “The U.S. (Under)mining Job of Africa,” :
http://cryptome.org/us-africa.wm.htm .

(22) “Stolen Goods: Coltan and Conflict in the Democratic Republic of
the Congo,” Dena Montague, SAIS Review, Vol. XXII, No. 1,
(Winter-Spring 2002).

(23) “A Continent for the Taking: The Tragedy and Hope of Africa,”
Howard French, 12 April 2005, Vintage, New York, NY.

(24) “The Exception to the Rulers: Exposing Oily Polititians, War
Profiteers, and the Media That Love Them,” Amy Goodman, David Goodman,
2004, Hyperion Press, New York, NY.

(25) See: “Friends in High Places: The Bechtel Story.”

(26) “Stolen Goods: Coltan and Conflict in the Democratic Republic of
the Congo,” Dena Montague, SAIS Review, Vol. XXII, No. 1,
(Winter-Spring 2002); Named and Shamed, Ruud Leeuw:
http://www.ruudleeuw.com/vbout17.htm .

(27) “Rwanda’s Secret War: U.S.-Backed Destabilization of Central
Africa,” keith harmon snow, 12 December 2004:
http://traprockpeace.org/keith_snow_rwanda.html .

(28) “Proxy Wars in Central Africa: Profits, Propaganda, and Luxury
Goods for the White World – Pacification, Rape, and Slavery for the
Blacks,” keith harmon snow, World War 3 Report, Issue No. 100, 19 Jul. 2004: http://ww3report.com/proxy.html .

(29) “The U.S. (Under)mining Job of Africa,”
http://cryptome.org/us-africa.wm.htm .

(30) “Genocide and Covert Operations in Africa, 1993-1999,” United
States One Hundred Seventh Congress. Subcommittee on International Operations and Human Rights. First Session. 17 May 2001. comp. Centre for Research on Globalization.
http://www.globalresearch.ca/articles/MAD111A.html .

(31) Private interview, keith harmon snow, eastern DRC, July 2005.

(32) “Corporate Soldiers: The U.S. Government Privatizes Force,” Daniel Burton and Wayne Madsen:
http://www.totse.com/en/politics/us_military/162741.html .

(33) Confidential report, received, February 2006.

(34) “The Controversial Commando,” Pratap Chatterjee, 14 Jun. 2004:
http://www.guerrillanews.com/human_rights/doc4644.html ;
”CSC/DynCorp.” Corporation Watch:
http://www.corpwatch.org/print_article.php?list=type&type=18 ;
”Crossing the Rubicon,” Michael Ruppert, 2004, New Society
Publishers, Gabriola Island, BC, Canada: p. 79-80.

(35) “The Use of Rwanda’s External Debt (1990-1994): The
Responsibility of Donors and Creditors,” Michel Chossudovsky, Pierre
Galand, 30 March 2004:
http://www.globalresearch.ca/PrintArticle.php?articleId=364 .

(36) “Rwanda’s Secret War: U.S.-Backed Destabilization of Central
Africa,” keith harmon snow, World War Four Report, 12 Dec. 2004:
www.WorldWar4Report.com .

(37) “Proxy Wars in Central Africa: Profits, Propaganda, and Luxury
Goods for the White World—Pacification, Rape, and Slavery for the
Blacks,” keith harmon snow, World War 3 Report, No. 100, 19 Jul. 2004:
http://ww3report.com/proxy.html .

(38) “Report on Events in Bukavu, South Kivu: May 26 to June 9, 2004,” Network of Women for the Defense of Rights and of Peace,



Statistiques du mois d’octobre

3 11 2007

Les dix billets les plus consultés d’octobre:

1) Carlyle, les Desmarais et le toujours corrompu Sarkozy

2) Xavier Caféïne censuré

3) L’eau en bouteille de Pepsi, Aquafina, est de l’eau du robinet

4) L’Affaire Elf et le pillage de l’Afrique

5) World Bank accused of razing Congo Forests

6) Une équation économique pour combattre l’itinérance

7) Gécamines: un conolisateur à peine chassé qu’un autre arrive

8) Image du jour (Hugo Boss)

9) Une super bonne technique de propagande: semer le doute

10) Esso pousiut Terre-Neuve et le Canada

Les pages consultées par certaines institutions:

La mairie de Paris:

Ministère de l’économie, des finances du budget et de la privatisation[sic] (Gabon)(au moins ils sont honnête quant à leurs politiques!):

Stentor (Lobby des compagnies de télécom du Canada):

Indigo Publication (ceux qui publient les lettres d’intelligence économique dans la bar de droite du blogue: Lettre du Continent, etc.):

BNP-Paribas:

Google:

KPMG:

Ministère de l’économie et des finance (France):

Ministère de la Solidarité et de la Sécurité Sociale (Québec):

PriceWaterhouseCoopers:

Région Wallonne:

Total S.A.:

Caisse Centrale des Banques Populaires(France):

Recherche et développement pour la défense Canada:

École de guerre économique (France):

Gaz de France:

Thales:

Airbus (EADS):

Allianz:


Assemblée Nationale (Québec) :

  • Après une recherche sur google pour connaître les compensations attribués pour violation de droits d’auteurs de photographie, la personne a regarder un des billets suivants: cliquez ici pour voir.

Cour constitutionnelle de Belgique :

AXA:

Base aérienne près de Vanve en Île de France:

Calyon:

HSBC:

Conseil générale de Gironde:

CRC Sogema:

Cowen & Co (Banque d’investissement spécialisée):

  • Recherche google pour Bouygues et Heinz, a regardé cette page.

Ernst & Young:

Euroclear:

Bureau des brevets européen:

Fidelity Investements:

Caisses populaires Desjardins:

Fonds social européen:

Ford:

Banque Fortis:

Colt (la compagnie d’armes à feu)

Le Nouvel Observateur:

Lincoln Group:

Natexis (la Coface):

Bryan, Garnier & Co (Banque d’investissement):

France 2:

Generali:

Lehman Brothers:

Libération (le journal):

McCarthy Tétreaux (cabinet d’avocats et lobbyistes au Canada):

Ministère des transports du Québec:

Merck KGaA:

Ministère de l’éducation nationale (France):

Mission de l’OSCE en Serbie et au Monténégro (cliquez ici pour le site officiel de la mission):

RTL:

Serviço de Informações Estratégicas de Defesa (Service d’information stratégique de défense du Portugal):

Shell:

Simmons & Simmons (gros cabinet de droit international se spécialisant surtout en droit des affaires et financier):

SNC-Lavalin:

Société générale de financement du Québec:

Sofema:

Sofreco (ils se sont rendu compte qu’on parlait d’eux):

Banque Mondiale:

Administration municipale de la ville de Genève:

Organisation mondiale de la Santé:



Remaniement au Defence Policy Board

3 11 2007

repris de Intelligence Online:

La nomination de deux anciens de l’équipe Clinton au sein du Defense Policy Board ne remet pas en cause l’axe conservateur de cet organe-clé du Pentagone.

Six nouveaux membres viennent de rejoindre le très influent Defense Policy Board, un organe de conseil directement rattaché au secrétaire à la défense Robert Gates (voir schéma ci-dessous). Parmi les nouveaux entrants, deux anciens du gouvernement de Bill Clinton : son secrétaire à la défense de 1994 à 1997, William Perry, et l’ancien adjoint au secrétaire de la défense, John Hamre, qui présidera le Defense Policy Board. Si Robert Gates a décidé d’ouvrir le DPB aux démocrates, il en a aussi renforcé la frange dure, avec la nomination de Robert Joseph et Jack Crouch, tous deux proches des think-tanks ultra conservateurs Center for Security Policy et National Institute for Public Policy.Entre 2001 et 2003, le Defense Policy Board était dirigé par Richard Perle, l’un des principaux architectes de l’intervention américaine en Irak en 2003. Ses membres actuels restent très connectés à l’industrie de défense (SAIC, Raytheon, Northrop Grumman, General Dynamics, etc.) et aux think-tanks néoconservateurs American Enterprise Institute (James Wilson, Newt Gingrich et Jack Keane) et Project for a New American Century (Vin Weber, Aaron Friedberg et Peter Rodman, Christopher William), qui ont également soutenu très tôt la politique de Washington vis-à-vis de Saddam Hussein.

cliquez sur l’image pour l’agrandir



Courte histoire de la CIA

9 10 2007

Voici une amusante application flash que j’ai trouvé sur le site de Arte. Cliquez ici pour démarrer l’application flash.



Image du jour

20 09 2007

Membres Bilderberg 2007

Notez que la liste diffère de celle que l’on peut trouver ici. Je ne pourrais dire laquelle est plus exacte. Par exemple la liste ci-haut dit que David Rockerfeller n’y a pas assisté alors que indymedia marseille dit qu’il a assisté. Notez la présence de Philip Zelikow qui a dirigé la commission sur le 11 septembre.




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